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capacity figures

  • 1 capacity figures

    Универсальный англо-русский словарь > capacity figures

  • 2 capacity figures

    Англо-русский словарь по экономике и финансам > capacity figures

  • 3 capacity figures

    English-russian dctionary of contemporary Economics > capacity figures

  • 4 capacity figures

    English-russian dctionary of diplomacy > capacity figures

  • 5 capacity figures

    English-russian dctionary of diplomacy > capacity figures

  • 6 production figures

    English-Russian big medical dictionary > production figures

  • 7 figure

    n
    2) показатель; коэффициент
    3) диаграмма, рисунок, чертеж
    4) разг. цена
    5) фигура, личность

    - accountable figures
    - actual figure
    - adjusted figures
    - advance figures
    - approximate figure
    - attendance figure
    - balance-sheet figure
    - big figure
    - capacity figures
    - comparable figures
    - consumption figure
    - cost figures
    - engineering and economic figures
    - estimated figures
    - eventual figure
    - guarantee figures
    - gross figures
    - high figure
    - income figures
    - key figure
    - leading figures
    - low figure
    - official figures
    - outturn figures
    - overall figures
    - planned figures
    - planning figures
    - performance figures
    - preliminary figures
    - production figures
    - productivity figures
    - provisional figures
    - recent figures
    - round figure
    - scheduled figures
    - significant figure
    - specific figure
    - stock figures
    - summary figures
    - target figures
    - up-to-date figures
    - according to official figures
    - in figures
    - work out the figures

    English-russian dctionary of contemporary Economics > figure

  • 8 figure

    2) показатель; коэффициент
    3) диаграмма, рисунок, чертеж
    4) разг. цена
    5) фигура, личность
    •

    English-russian dctionary of diplomacy > figure

  • 9 figure

    1) цифра; величина; количественный показатель || обозначать цифрами
    2) pl данные
    3) диаграмма, рисунок, чертёж || изображать диаграммой
    4) цена

    Англо-русский словарь по экономике и финансам > figure

  • 10 figure

    1. n
    1) фигура, персона, личность
    2) цифра, величина, количественный показатель
    •
    2. v

    English-russian dctionary of diplomacy > figure

  • 11 head

    1. noun
    1) Kopf, der; Haupt, das (geh.)

    mind your head! — Vorsicht, dein Kopf!; (on sign) Vorsicht - geringe Durchgangshöhe!

    head first — mit dem Kopf zuerst/voran

    head over heels in love — bis über beide Ohren verliebt (ugs.)

    lose one's head — (fig.) den Kopf verlieren

    be unable to make head or tail of something/somebody — aus etwas/jemandem nicht klug werden

    2) (mind) Kopf, der

    in one's head — im Kopf

    enter somebody's head — jemandem in den Sinn kommen

    two heads are better than one — (prov.) zwei Köpfe sind besser als einer

    I've got a good/bad head for figures — ich kann gut rechnen/rechnen kann ich überhaupt nicht

    not quite right in the head — (coll.) nicht ganz richtig [im Kopf] (ugs.)

    have got it into one's head that... — fest [davon] überzeugt sein, dass...

    the first thing that comes into somebody's head — das erste, was jemandem einfällt

    3) (person)

    a or per head — pro Kopf

    4) pl. same (in counting) Stück [Vieh], das
    5) in pl. (on coin)
    6) (working end etc.; also Mus.) Kopf, der

    playback/erasing head — Wiedergabe-/Löschkopf, der

    7) (on beer) Blume, die
    8) (highest part) Kopf, der; (of stairs) oberes Ende; (of list, column) oberste Reihe
    9) (upper or more important end) Kopf, der; (of bed) Kopfende, das
    10) (leader) Leiter, der/Leiterin, die

    head of government — Regierungschef, der/-chefin, die

    head of state — Staatsoberhaupt, das

    11) see academic.ru/33986/headmaster">headmaster; headmistress
    2. attributive adjective

    head waiter — Oberkellner, der

    head office — Hauptverwaltung, die; (Commerc.) Hauptbüro, das

    3. transitive verb
    1) (provide with heading) überschreiben; betiteln
    2) (stand at top of) anführen [Liste]; (lead) leiten; führen [Bewegung]
    3) (direct)
    4) (Footb.) köpfen
    5) (overtake and stop)

    head somebody/something [off] — jemanden/etwas abdrängen

    4. intransitive verb

    head for London — [Flugzeug, Schiff:] Kurs auf London nehmen; [Auto:] in Richtung London fahren

    head towards or for somebody/the buffet — auf jemanden/das Buffet zusteuern

    you're heading for trouble — du wirst Ärger bekommen

    * * *
    [hed] 1. noun
    1) (the top part of the human body, containing the eyes, mouth, brain etc; the same part of an animal's body: The stone hit him on the head; He scratched his head in amazement.) der Kopf
    2) (a person's mind: An idea came into my head last night.) der Kopf
    3) (the height or length of a head: The horse won by a head.) die Kopflänge
    4) (the chief or most important person (of an organization, country etc): Kings and presidents are heads of state; ( also adjective) a head waiter; the head office.) das (Ober-)Haupt; Ober...
    5) (anything that is like a head in shape or position: the head of a pin; The boy knocked the heads off the flowers.) der Kopf
    6) (the place where a river, lake etc begins: the head of the Nile.) die Quelle
    7) (the top, or the top part, of anything: Write your address at the head of the paper; the head of the table.) oberes Ende
    8) (the front part: He walked at the head of the procession.) die Spitze
    9) (a particular ability or tolerance: He has no head for heights; She has a good head for figures.) die Begabung
    10) (a headmaster or headmistress: You'd better ask the Head.) der Leiter
    11) ((for) one person: This dinner costs $10 a head.) (pro) Kopf
    12) (a headland: Beachy Head.) die Landspitze
    13) (the foam on the top of a glass of beer etc.) die Blume
    2. verb
    1) (to go at the front of or at the top of (something): The procession was headed by the band; Whose name headed the list?) an erster Stelle stehen
    2) (to be in charge of; to be the leader of: He heads a team of scientists investigating cancer.) leiten
    3) ((often with for) to (cause to) move in a certain direction: The explorers headed south; The boys headed for home; You're heading for disaster!) zusteuern
    4) (to put or write something at the beginning of: His report was headed `Ways of Preventing Industrial Accidents'.) betiteln
    5) ((in football) to hit the ball with the head: He headed the ball into the goal.) köpfen
    •
    - -headed
    - header
    - heading
    - heads
    - headache
    - headband
    - head-dress
    - headfirst
    - headgear
    - headlamp
    - headland
    - headlight
    - headline
    - headlines
    - headlong
    - head louse
    - headmaster
    - head-on
    - headphones
    - headquarters
    - headrest
    - headscarf
    - headsquare
    - headstone
    - headstrong
    - headwind
    - above someone's head
    - go to someone's head
    - head off
    - head over heels
    - heads or tails? - keep one's head
    - lose one's head
    - make head or tail of
    - make headway
    - off one's head
    * * *
    [hed]
    I. NOUN
    1. ANAT Kopf m, Haupt nt geh
    from \head to foot [or toe] von Kopf bis Fuß
    to bow one's \head den Kopf senken
    to nod one's \head mit dem Kopf nicken
    to shake one's \head den Kopf schütteln
    2. no pl (mental capacity) Kopf m, Verstand m
    to put ideas into sb's \head jdm Flausen in den Kopf setzen
    what put that idea into your \head? wie kommst du denn darauf?
    to need a clear \head to do sth einen klaren Kopf brauchen, um etw zu tun
    to have a good \head for sth für etw akk begabt sein
    she's got a good \head for figures sie kann gut mit Zahlen umgehen
    to clear one's \head einen klaren Kopf bekommen
    to get sb/sth out of one's \head sich dat jdn/etw aus dem Kopf schlagen
    I can't get that man out of my \head dieser Mann geht mir einfach nicht mehr aus dem Kopf
    to use one's \head seinen Verstand benutzen
    3. no pl (person unit)
    a [or per] \head pro Kopf [o fam Nase]
    dinner cost £20 a head das Abendessen kommt auf 20 Pfund pro Nase fam; (animal unit) Stück nt
    a hundred \head of cattle einhundert Stück Vieh; (vegetable unit) Kopf m; of celery Staude f
    a \head of broccoli/cauliflower ein Brokkoli/Blumenkohl
    a \head of cabbage ein Kohlkopf m
    a \head of lettuce ein Salat
    4. no pl (measure of length) Kopf m
    to be a \head taller than sb [um] einen Kopf größer sein als jd
    to win by a \head mit einer Kopflänge Vorsprung gewinnen
    5. no pl (top, front part)
    the \head of the bed das Kopfende des Bettes
    at the \head of the queue [or AM line] [ganz] am Anfang der Schlange
    at the \head of the table am Kopf[ende] des Tisches
    6. (blunt end) of a nail, pin, screw Kopf m; (end of tool) of a hammer Haupt nt, Kopf m; of a screwdriver Griff m; of tape, photographic film Anfang m
    the \head of a match der Streichholzkopf
    7. (leader) Chef(in) m(f); of a project, department Leiter(in) m(f); of Church Oberhaupt nt
    the \head of the family das Familienoberhaupt
    \head of section ECON, FIN Fachbereichsleiter(in) m(f)
    a \head of state ein Staatsoberhaupt nt
    8. esp BRIT (head teacher) Schulleiter(in) m(f), Rektor(in) m(f), Direktor(in) m(f) ÖSTERR
    9. no pl (letterhead) [Brief]kopf m; (edge of book/page) Kopf m
    10. usu pl (coin face) Kopf m
    \heads or tails? Kopf oder Zahl?
    11. (beer foam) Blume f, Krone f ÖSTERR, SCHWEIZ
    you have to pour the beer slowly so there isn't too big a \head on it man muss das Bier langsam einschenken, damit es nicht zu viel Schaum gibt
    12. (water source) Quelle f
    the \head of a river/stream ein Fluss-/Bachoberlauf m
    13. (accumulated amount)
    \head of steam Dampfdruck m
    to build up a \head of steam ( fig) Dampf machen fam
    14. (of spot on skin) Pfropf m
    the \head of a boil/a pimple der Eiterpfropf einer Beule/eines Pickels
    15. TECH of a tape recorder, video recorder Tonkopf m
    16. COMPUT (data indicating start address) Kopf m
    17.
    ▶ to not be able to get one's \head [a]round sth ( fam) etw nicht kapieren fam
    ▶ to not be able to make \head [n]or tail of sth aus etw dat nicht schlau [o klug] werden, sich dat auf etw akk keinen Reim machen können
    ▶ to bang [or knock] sb's \heads together jdm den Kopf zurechtrücken
    ▶ to beat [or bang] [or knock] one's \head against a brick wall mit dem Kopf durch die Wand wollen
    ▶ to bite [or snap] sb's \head off jdm den Kopf abreißen fig fam, jdn beschimpfen
    ▶ to bring sth to a \head (carry sth too far) etw auf die Spitze treiben; (force a decision) etw forcieren [o zur Entscheidung bringen]
    ▶ to have one's \head buried [or stuck] in a book in ein Buch versunken sein
    ▶ to bury one's \head in the sand, to have one's \head buried in the sand den Kopf in den Sand stecken
    ▶ to come to a \head sich akk zuspitzen
    ▶ to do sb's \head in BRIT ( fam: annoy) jdm auf den Wecker gehen fam; (confuse) jdn überfordern
    ▶ to do sth over sb's \head etw über jds Kopf hinweg tun
    ▶ to fall \head over heels in love with sb sich akk bis über beide Ohren in jdn verlieben
    ▶ to get [or put] one's \head down BRIT (concentrate) sich akk [ganz auf eine Sache] konzentrieren; (sleep) sich akk aufs Ohr hauen fam
    ▶ to get sth into one's \head etw begreifen
    when will you get it into your thick \head that...? wann geht es endlich in deinen sturen Kopf [o kapierst du endlich], dass...? fam
    ▶ to give sb \head ( vulg sl) jdm einen blasen vulg, jdn lecken vulg
    ▶ to give sb their \head jdn gewähren lassen, jdm seinen Willen lassen
    ▶ to go over sb's \head über jds Kopf hinweg handeln
    ▶ to go to sb's \head praise, success jdm zu Kopf steigen pej; alcohol, wine jdm in den [o zu] Kopf steigen
    ▶ a good [or thick] \head of hair schönes volles Haar
    ▶ to have one's \head in the clouds in höheren Regionen schweben hum
    ▶ to have a/no \head for heights BRIT schwindelfrei/nicht schwindelfrei sein
    ▶ to have a good \head on one's shoulders ein helles [o kluges] Köpfchen sein fam
    ▶ to have an old [or wise] \head on young shoulders für sein Alter ziemlich erwachsen [o reif] sein
    ▶ to be \head over heels in love bis über beide Ohren verliebt sein fam
    ▶ to be in over one's \head ( fam) tief im Schlamassel stecken fam
    ▶ to keep one's \head above water sich akk über Wasser halten fig
    ▶ to keep a cool \head einen kühlen Kopf bewahren
    ▶ to keep one's \head einen klaren Kopf bewahren
    ▶ to keep one's \head down den Kopf einziehen, auf Tauchstation gehen hum
    ▶ to laugh one's \head off sich akk halb totlachen fam
    ▶ to be off one's \head ( fam: be crazy, silly) übergeschnappt [o von allen guten Geistern verlassen] sein fam; (stoned) total zu[gedröhnt] [o zugekifft] sein sl
    Ben must be off his \head if he thinks Dad'll give him the money Ben kann nicht ganz bei Trost sein, wenn er glaubt, Dad würde ihm das Geld geben
    ▶ to be [or go] over sb's \head über jds Horizont gehen
    ▶ to put one's \heads together die Köpfe zusammenstecken
    ▶ to put [or stick] one's \head above the parapet BRIT sich akk weit aus dem Fenster lehnen fig
    ▶ \heads will roll Köpfe werden rollen
    ▶ to scream [or shout] one's \head off sich dat die Lunge aus dem Leib schreien
    the dog started barking its \head off der Hund begann, wie verrückt zu bellen
    ▶ to have one's \head screwed on [right [or the right way]] ein patenter Mensch sein
    ▶ to be \head and shoulders above sb/sth jdm/etw haushoch überlegen sein
    ▶ to have taken sth into one's \head sich dat etw in den Kopf gesetzt haben
    ▶ \heads I win, tails you lose ( saying) ich gewinne auf jeden Fall
    attr leitende(r, s)
    \head cook Küchenchef(in) m(f)
    \head office Zentrale f
    \head waiter/waitress Oberkellner m/Oberkellnerin f, SCHWEIZ a. Chef de service m
    1. (be at the front of)
    ▪ to \head sth etw anführen
    the procession was \headed by the Queen die Queen ging der Prozession voran
    2. (be in charge of)
    to \head a firm/an organization eine Firma/Organisation leiten [o führen
    ▪ to \head sth etw überschreiben [o mit einer Überschrift versehen]
    the article wasn't \headed der Artikel hatte keine Überschrift
    to \head the ball den Ball köpfen
    5. HORT
    to \head a tree einen Baum kappen
    1. + adv (proceed in a certain direction)
    to \head home sich akk auf den Heimweg machen
    to \head along a path einen Weg entlanglaufen
    2. HORT salad einen Kopf ansetzen
    3. (go toward)
    ▪ to \head for sth auf dem Weg zu etw dat sein
    he \headed straight for the fridge er steuerte direkt auf den Kühlschrank zu
    to \head for the exit sich akk zum Ausgang begeben geh, zum Ausgang gehen
    to \head for disaster auf eine Katastrophe zusteuern
    ▪ to \head into sth auf etw akk zusteuern
    to be \heading into [some] rough times schweren Zeiten entgegengehen
    * * *
    in cpds (= top, senior) Ober-
    * * *
    head [hed]
    A v/t
    1. anführen, an der Spitze oder an erster Stelle stehen von (oder gen):
    head the table SPORT an der Tabellenspitze stehen, die Tabelle anführen; → bill2 A 8
    2. voran-, vorausgehen (dat)
    3. (an)führen, leiten:
    a commission headed by ein Ausschuss unter der Leitung von
    4. lenken, steuern, dirigieren:
    a) um-, ablenken,
    b) abfangen,
    c) eine Gefahr etc abwenden, ein Gespräch etc abbiegen
    5. übertreffen
    6. einen Fluss etc (an der Quelle) umgehen
    7. mit einem Kopf etc versehen
    8. einen Titel geben (dat), betiteln
    9. die Spitze bilden von (oder gen)
    10. besonders Pflanzen köpfen, Bäume kappen, Schösslinge stutzen, zurückschneiden
    11. Fußball: den Ball köpfen:
    head away wegköpfen;
    head in einköpfen
    a) ein Fass ausböden,
    b) Wasser aufstauen
    B v/i
    1. a) gehen, fahren ( beide:
    for nach):
    be heading back auf dem Rückweg sein
    b) (for) sich bewegen (auf akk … zu), lossteuern, -gehen (auf akk):
    you are heading for trouble wenn du so weitermachst, bekommst du Ärger; → fall A 1
    2. SCHIFF (for) Kurs halten (auf akk), zusteuern oder liegen (auf akk)
    3. (mit der Front) liegen nach:
    4. (einen Kopf) ansetzen (Gemüse etc)
    5. sich entwickeln
    6. entspringen (Fluss)
    head clear mit dem oder per Kopf klären;
    head in einköpfen;
    head wide vorbeiköpfen
    C adj
    1. Kopf…
    2. Spitzen…, Vorder…, an der Spitze stehend oder gehend
    3. Chef…, Haupt…, Ober…, Spitzen…, führend, oberst(er, e, es), erst(er, e, es):
    head coach SPORT bes US Cheftrainer m;
    head cook Chefkoch m;
    head nurse Oberschwester f
    D s
    1. Kopf m:
    have a head umg einen Brummschädel haben, einen dicken oder schweren Kopf haben;
    win by a head (Pferderennen) um eine Kopflänge gewinnen, a. fig um eine Nasenlänge gewinnen;
    work sth out in one’s head etwas im Kopf ausrechnen; → stand B 1
    2. poet und fig Haupt n:
    head of the family Haupt der Familie, Familienvorstand m, -oberhaupt;
    heads of state Staatsoberhäupter; → crowned 1
    3. Kopf m, Verstand m, auch Begabung f:
    he has a (good) head for languages er ist sehr sprachbegabt;
    head for figures Zahlengedächtnis n;
    have a good head for heights schwindelfrei sein;
    two heads are better than one zwei Köpfe wissen mehr als einer
    4. Spitze f, höchste Stelle, führende Stellung:
    at the head of an der Spitze von (od gen)
    5. a) (An)Führer(in), Leiter(in)
    b) Vorstand m, Vorsteher(in)
    c) Chef(in):
    head of government Regierungschef
    d) SCHULE Direktor m, Direktorin f
    6. oberes Ende, oberer Teil oder Rand, Spitze f, z. B.
    a) oberer Absatz (einer Treppe)
    b) Kopf(ende) m(n) (eines Bettes, der Tafel etc)
    c) Kopf m (einer Buchseite, eines Briefes, eines Nagels, einer Stecknadel, eines Hammers, eines Golfschlägers etc)
    d) SCHIFF Topp m (Mast)
    7. Kopf m (einer Brücke oder Mole), oberes oder unteres Ende (eines Sees etc), Boden m (eines Fasses)
    8. a) Kopf m, Spitze f, vorderes Ende, Vorderteil m/n
    b) SCHIFF Bug m
    c) SCHIFF Toilette f (im Bug)
    9. Kopf m, (einzelne) Person:
    one pound a head ein Pfund pro Kopf oder Person
    10. (pl head) Stück n:
    50 head of cattle 50 Stück Vieh
    11. Br Anzahl f, Herde f, Ansammlung f (besonders Wild)
    12. Höhepunkt m, Krise f: → Bes Redew
    13. (Haupt-)Haar n:
    a beautiful head of hair schönes, volles Haar
    14. BOT
    a) (Salat- etc) Kopf m, Köpfchen n (kopfig gedrängter Blütenstand)
    b) (Baum) Krone f, Wipfel m
    15. ANAT Kopf m (vom Knochen oder Muskel)
    16. MED Durchbruchstelle f (eines Geschwürs etc)
    17. Vorgebirge n, Landspitze f, Kap n
    18. pl Vorderseite f (einer Münze):
    heads or tails? Wappen od Zahl?
    19. JAGD Geweih n:
    a deer of the first head ein fünfjähriger Hirsch
    20. Schaum(krone) m(f) (vom Bier etc)
    21. Br Rahm m, Sahne f
    22. Quelle f (eines Flusses)
    23. a) Überschrift f, Titelkopf m
    b) Abschnitt m, Kapitel n
    c) (Haupt)Punkt m (einer Rede etc):
    the head and front das Wesentliche
    24. Abteilung f, Rubrik f, Kategorie f
    25. TYPO (Titel)Kopf m
    26. LING Oberbegriff m
    27. → heading
    28. TECH
    a) Stauwasser n
    b) Staudamm m, -mauer f
    29. PHYS, TECH
    a) Gefälle n, Gefällhöhe f
    b) Druckhöhe f
    c) (Dampf-, Luft-, Gas) Druck m
    d) Säule f, Säulenhöhe f (zur Druckmessung):
    head of water Wassersäule
    30. TECH
    a) Spindelkopf m (einer Fräsmaschine)
    b) Spindelbank f (einer Drehbank)
    c) Support m (einer Bohrbank)
    d) (Gewinde) Schneidkopf m
    e) Saugmassel f (Gießerei)
    f) Kopf-, Deckplatte f, Haube f
    31. MUS
    a) (Trommel) Fell n
    b) (Noten) Kopf m
    c) Kopf m (einer Violine etc)
    32. Verdeck n, Dach n (einer Kutsche etc)
    a) …süchtige(r) m/f(m): → acidhead, hashhead
    b) …fan m:
    filmheadBesondere Redewendungen: above ( oder over) sb’s head zu hoch für jemanden;
    that is ( oder goes) above my head das geht über meinen Horizont oder Verstand;
    talk above sb’s head über jemandes Kopf hinweg reden;
    by head and shoulders an den Haaren (herbeiziehen), gewaltsam;
    (by) head and shoulders um Haupteslänge (größer etc), weitaus;
    head and shoulders above the rest den anderen turm- oder haushoch überlegen;
    from head to foot von Kopf bis Fuß;
    off ( oder out of) one’s head umg übergeschnappt;
    go off one’s head umg überschnappen;
    on one’s head auf dem Kopf stehend;
    on this head in diesem Punkt;
    out of one’s own head
    a) von sich aus, allein,
    b) auf eigene Verantwortung over sb’s head über jemandes Kopf hinweg;
    go over sb’s head to do sth jemanden übergehen und etwas tun;
    b) bis über die oder beide Ohren (verliebt sein) be head over heels in debt bis über die Ohren in Schulden sitzen oder stecken;
    bite ( oder snap) sb’s head off umg jemandem den Kopf abreißen, jemanden fressen;
    bring to a head zum Ausbruch oder zur Entscheidung bringen;
    bury one’s head in the sand den Kopf in den Sand stecken;
    call for sb’s head jemandes Kopf fordern;
    go for a walk to clear one’s head um einen klaren Kopf zu bekommen;
    a) MED eitern, aufbrechen (Geschwür),
    b) fig zur Entscheidung oder Krise kommen, sich zuspitzen cry one’s head off umg sich die Augen ausweinen oder aus dem Kopf weinen;
    it never entered his head to help her es kam ihm nie in den Sinn, ihr zu helfen;
    he’d forget his head if it wasn’t screwed on umg der würde sogar seinen Kopf vergessen, wenn er nicht angeschraubt wäre;
    gather head überhandnehmen;
    give a horse its head einem Pferd die Zügel schießen lassen;
    give sb their head fig jemanden gewähren oder machen lassen;
    give sb head US vulg jemandem einen blasen (jemanden fellationieren);
    his name has gone out of my head mir ist sein Name entfallen;
    go to sb’s head jemandem in den oder zu Kopf steigen (Alkohol, Erfolg etc);
    he has a good head on his shoulders er ist ein kluger Kopf;
    have ( oder be) an old head on young shoulders für sein Alter sehr reif oder vernünftig sein;
    hold sth in one’s head etwas behalten, sich etwas merken;
    hold one’s head up
    a) den Kopf hoch halten,
    b) fig seine Selbstachtung nicht verlieren keep one’s head kühlen Kopf bewahren, die Nerven behalten;
    keep one’s head above water sich über Wasser halten (a. fig);
    a) etwas über den Haufen werfen umg,
    b) einer Sache ein Ende bereiten, Schluss machen mit etwas laugh one’s head off umg sich fast oder halb totlachen;
    let sb have his head jemandem seinen Willen lassen;
    it lies on my head es wird mir zur Last gelegt;
    lose one’s head den Kopf oder die Nerven verlieren;
    make head (gut) vorankommen, Fortschritte machen;
    make head against die Stirn bieten (dat), sich entgegenstemmen (dat);
    I cannot make head or tail of it ich kann daraus nicht schlau werden, ich kann damit nichts anfangen;
    put sth into sb’s head jemandem etwas in den Kopf setzen;
    put sth out of one’s head sich etwas aus dem Kopf schlagen;
    they put their heads together sie steckten die Köpfe zusammen;
    run in sb’s head jemandem im Kopf herumgehen;
    scream one’s head off sich die Lunge aus dem Hals oder Leib schreien umg;
    take the head die Führung übernehmen;
    take sth into one’s head sich etwas in den Kopf setzen;
    talk one’s head off umg reden wie ein Wasserfall oder Buch;
    talk sb’s head off umg jemandem ein Loch in den Bauch reden;
    turn sb’s head jemandem den Kopf verdrehen; → bang1 B 1, cloud A 1, knock B 1, roll B 1, swelled head, swollen head, top1 A 1
    hd abk
    1. hand
    2. head
    * * *
    1. noun
    1) Kopf, der; Haupt, das (geh.)

    mind your head! — Vorsicht, dein Kopf!; (on sign) Vorsicht - geringe Durchgangshöhe!

    head first — mit dem Kopf zuerst/voran

    lose one's head — (fig.) den Kopf verlieren

    be unable to make head or tail of something/somebody — aus etwas/jemandem nicht klug werden

    2) (mind) Kopf, der

    two heads are better than one — (prov.) zwei Köpfe sind besser als einer

    I've got a good/bad head for figures — ich kann gut rechnen/rechnen kann ich überhaupt nicht

    not quite right in the head — (coll.) nicht ganz richtig [im Kopf] (ugs.)

    have got it into one's head that... — fest [davon] überzeugt sein, dass...

    the first thing that comes into somebody's head — das erste, was jemandem einfällt

    3) (person)

    a or per head — pro Kopf

    4) pl. same (in counting) Stück [Vieh], das
    5) in pl. (on coin)
    6) (working end etc.; also Mus.) Kopf, der

    playback/erasing head — Wiedergabe-/Löschkopf, der

    7) (on beer) Blume, die
    8) (highest part) Kopf, der; (of stairs) oberes Ende; (of list, column) oberste Reihe
    9) (upper or more important end) Kopf, der; (of bed) Kopfende, das
    10) (leader) Leiter, der/Leiterin, die

    head of government — Regierungschef, der/-chefin, die

    head of state — Staatsoberhaupt, das

    2. attributive adjective

    head waiter — Oberkellner, der

    head office — Hauptverwaltung, die; (Commerc.) Hauptbüro, das

    3. transitive verb
    1) (provide with heading) überschreiben; betiteln
    2) (stand at top of) anführen [Liste]; (lead) leiten; führen [Bewegung]
    4) (Footb.) köpfen

    head somebody/something [off] — jemanden/etwas abdrängen

    4. intransitive verb

    head for London — [Flugzeug, Schiff:] Kurs auf London nehmen; [Auto:] in Richtung London fahren

    head towards or for somebody/the buffet — auf jemanden/das Buffet zusteuern

    * * *
    n.
    Chef- präfix.
    Haupt Häupter n.
    Kopf ¨-e m. v.
    an der Spitze stehen ausdr.

    English-german dictionary > head

  • 12 total

    'təutəl
    1. adjective
    (whole; complete: What is the total cost of the holiday?; The car was a total wreck.) total

    2. noun
    (the whole amount, ie of various sums added together: The total came to / was $10.) total

    3. verb
    (to add up or amount to: The doctor's fees totalled $200.) sumar, ascender a, elevarse a
    - total up
    total1 adj total / absoluto
    total2 n total
    we have spent a total of £345 hemos gastado un total de 345 libras


    total adjetivo
    a) ( absoluto) ‹desastre/destrucción› total;
    ‹ éxito› resounding ( before n), total; ‹ cambio› complete
    b) ( global) ‹costo/importe› total
    ■ sustantivo masculino total; ■ adverbio ( indep) (fam) ( al resumir una narración) so, in the end; total, que me di por vencida so in the end I gave up
    total
    I adjetivo total
    un desastre total, a complete o total disaster
    eclipse total, total eclipse
    II sustantivo masculino
    1 total
    el total de la población, the whole population
    el total de los trabajadores, all the workers
    en total costó unas dos mil pesetas, altogether it cost over two thousand pesetas
    2 Mat total
    III adv (en resumen) so: total, que al final María vino con nosotros, so, in the end Maria came with us fam (con indiferencia) anyway: total, a mí no me gustaba, I didn't like it anyway ' total' also found in these entries: Spanish: absoluta - absoluto - aforo - completa - completo - desconocimiento - esclarecimiento - importe - montante - monto - parque - radical - suma - sumar - toda - todo - totalizar - global - integral - liquidación - miramiento - monta - perdido - pleno - ser - silencio English: absolute - all - altogether - bedlam - capacity - come to - complete - dead - dedication - dismal - disregard - full - grand total - ignorance - in - overall - perfect - rank - raving - reversal - sell-out - serve out - sheer - subtotal - sum - tell - total - unqualified - utter - write off - write-off - account - add - come - count - disarray - downright - flat - grand - grid - gross - implicit - matter - number - out - recall - run - swell - virtual - write
    tr['təʊtəl]
    1 (overall) total; (complete) completo,-a, rotundo,-a
    1 total nombre masculino, suma
    1 sumar
    1 sumar, ascender a
    \
    SMALLIDIOMATIC EXPRESSION/SMALL
    in total en total
    total ['to:təl] vt, - taled or - talled ; - taling or - talling
    1) or to total up add: sumar, totalizar
    2) amount to: ascender a, llegar a
    total adj
    : total, completo, absoluto
    ♦ totally adv
    : total m
    v.
    • ascender a v.
    • cifrar v.
    • formar un total de v.
    • sumar v.
    • totalizar v.
    adj.
    • entero, -a adj.
    • global adj.
    • suma (Matemática) adj.
    • tajante adj.
    • total adj.
    n.
    • monta s.f.
    • montante s.m.
    • suma s.f.
    • total s.m.

    I 'təʊtḷ
    a) (whole, overall) (before n) <amount/number/output> total
    b) ( complete) < destruction> total; < failure> rotundo, absoluto

    II
    noun total m

    III
    1)
    a) ( amount to) ascender* or elevarse a un total de
    b) ( add up) \<\<figures\>\> sumar, totalizar*
    2) ( wreck) (AmE colloq)
    ['tǝʊtl]
    1. ADJ
    1) (=complete, utter) [lack, commitment] total, absoluto; [ban] total; [failure] rotundo, absoluto
    eclipse, recall
    2) (=overall) [amount, number, cost] total; [effect, policy] global

    a total population of 650,000 — una población total de 650.000 habitantes

    total sales/assets — el total de ventas/activo

    total losses amount to £100,000 — las pérdidas ascienden a (un total de) 100.000 libras, el total de pérdidas asciende a 100.000 libras

    2.
    N total m
    grand, sum
    3. VT
    1) (=add up) [+ figures] sacar el total de, sumar el total de
    2) (=amount to) ascender a

    that totals £20 — el total asciende a 20 libras

    prizes totalling £300 — premios por un (valor) total de 300 libras

    3) (esp US) * (=wreck) destrozar, hacer fosfatina *

    the car was completely totalled — el coche quedó hecho fosfatina *, el coche quedó para el arrastre *

    * * *

    I ['təʊtḷ]
    a) (whole, overall) (before n) <amount/number/output> total
    b) ( complete) < destruction> total; < failure> rotundo, absoluto

    II
    noun total m

    III
    1)
    a) ( amount to) ascender* or elevarse a un total de
    b) ( add up) \<\<figures\>\> sumar, totalizar*
    2) ( wreck) (AmE colloq)

    English-spanish dictionary > total

  • 13 Language

       Philosophy is written in that great book, the universe, which is always open, right before our eyes. But one cannot understand this book without first learning to understand the language and to know the characters in which it is written. It is written in the language of mathematics, and the characters are triangles, circles, and other figures. Without these, one cannot understand a single word of it, and just wanders in a dark labyrinth. (Galileo, 1990, p. 232)
       It never happens that it [a nonhuman animal] arranges its speech in various ways in order to reply appropriately to everything that may be said in its presence, as even the lowest type of man can do. (Descartes, 1970a, p. 116)
       It is a very remarkable fact that there are none so depraved and stupid, without even excepting idiots, that they cannot arrange different words together, forming of them a statement by which they make known their thoughts; while, on the other hand, there is no other animal, however perfect and fortunately circumstanced it may be, which can do the same. (Descartes, 1967, p. 116)
       Human beings do not live in the object world alone, nor alone in the world of social activity as ordinarily understood, but are very much at the mercy of the particular language which has become the medium of expression for their society. It is quite an illusion to imagine that one adjusts to reality essentially without the use of language and that language is merely an incidental means of solving specific problems of communication or reflection. The fact of the matter is that the "real world" is to a large extent unconsciously built on the language habits of the group.... We see and hear and otherwise experience very largely as we do because the language habits of our community predispose certain choices of interpretation. (Sapir, 1921, p. 75)
       It powerfully conditions all our thinking about social problems and processes.... No two languages are ever sufficiently similar to be considered as representing the same social reality. The worlds in which different societies live are distinct worlds, not merely the same worlds with different labels attached. (Sapir, 1985, p. 162)
       [A list of language games, not meant to be exhaustive:]
       Giving orders, and obeying them- Describing the appearance of an object, or giving its measurements- Constructing an object from a description (a drawing)Reporting an eventSpeculating about an eventForming and testing a hypothesisPresenting the results of an experiment in tables and diagramsMaking up a story; and reading itPlay actingSinging catchesGuessing riddlesMaking a joke; and telling it
       Solving a problem in practical arithmeticTranslating from one language into another
       LANGUAGE Asking, thanking, cursing, greeting, and praying-. (Wittgenstein, 1953, Pt. I, No. 23, pp. 11 e-12 e)
       We dissect nature along lines laid down by our native languages.... The world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... No individual is free to describe nature with absolute impartiality but is constrained to certain modes of interpretation even while he thinks himself most free. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 153, 213-214)
       We dissect nature along the lines laid down by our native languages.
       The categories and types that we isolate from the world of phenomena we do not find there because they stare every observer in the face; on the contrary, the world is presented in a kaleidoscopic flux of impressions which has to be organized by our minds-and this means largely by the linguistic systems in our minds.... We are thus introduced to a new principle of relativity, which holds that all observers are not led by the same physical evidence to the same picture of the universe, unless their linguistic backgrounds are similar or can in some way be calibrated. (Whorf, 1956, pp. 213-214)
       9) The Forms of a Person's Thoughts Are Controlled by Unperceived Patterns of His Own Language
       The forms of a person's thoughts are controlled by inexorable laws of pattern of which he is unconscious. These patterns are the unperceived intricate systematizations of his own language-shown readily enough by a candid comparison and contrast with other languages, especially those of a different linguistic family. (Whorf, 1956, p. 252)
       It has come to be commonly held that many utterances which look like statements are either not intended at all, or only intended in part, to record or impart straightforward information about the facts.... Many traditional philosophical perplexities have arisen through a mistake-the mistake of taking as straightforward statements of fact utterances which are either (in interesting non-grammatical ways) nonsensical or else intended as something quite different. (Austin, 1962, pp. 2-3)
       In general, one might define a complex of semantic components connected by logical constants as a concept. The dictionary of a language is then a system of concepts in which a phonological form and certain syntactic and morphological characteristics are assigned to each concept. This system of concepts is structured by several types of relations. It is supplemented, furthermore, by redundancy or implicational rules..., representing general properties of the whole system of concepts.... At least a relevant part of these general rules is not bound to particular languages, but represents presumably universal structures of natural languages. They are not learned, but are rather a part of the human ability to acquire an arbitrary natural language. (Bierwisch, 1970, pp. 171-172)
       In studying the evolution of mind, we cannot guess to what extent there are physically possible alternatives to, say, transformational generative grammar, for an organism meeting certain other physical conditions characteristic of humans. Conceivably, there are none-or very few-in which case talk about evolution of the language capacity is beside the point. (Chomsky, 1972, p. 98)
       [It is] truth value rather than syntactic well-formedness that chiefly governs explicit verbal reinforcement by parents-which renders mildly paradoxical the fact that the usual product of such a training schedule is an adult whose speech is highly grammatical but not notably truthful. (R. O. Brown, 1973, p. 330)
       he conceptual base is responsible for formally representing the concepts underlying an utterance.... A given word in a language may or may not have one or more concepts underlying it.... On the sentential level, the utterances of a given language are encoded within a syntactic structure of that language. The basic construction of the sentential level is the sentence.
       The next highest level... is the conceptual level. We call the basic construction of this level the conceptualization. A conceptualization consists of concepts and certain relations among those concepts. We can consider that both levels exist at the same point in time and that for any unit on one level, some corresponding realizate exists on the other level. This realizate may be null or extremely complex.... Conceptualizations may relate to other conceptualizations by nesting or other specified relationships. (Schank, 1973, pp. 191-192)
       The mathematics of multi-dimensional interactive spaces and lattices, the projection of "computer behavior" on to possible models of cerebral functions, the theoretical and mechanical investigation of artificial intelligence, are producing a stream of sophisticated, often suggestive ideas.
       But it is, I believe, fair to say that nothing put forward until now in either theoretic design or mechanical mimicry comes even remotely in reach of the most rudimentary linguistic realities. (Steiner, 1975, p. 284)
       The step from the simple tool to the master tool, a tool to make tools (what we would now call a machine tool), seems to me indeed to parallel the final step to human language, which I call reconstitution. It expresses in a practical and social context the same understanding of hierarchy, and shows the same analysis by function as a basis for synthesis. (Bronowski, 1977, pp. 127-128)
        t is the language donn eґ in which we conduct our lives.... We have no other. And the danger is that formal linguistic models, in their loosely argued analogy with the axiomatic structure of the mathematical sciences, may block perception.... It is quite conceivable that, in language, continuous induction from simple, elemental units to more complex, realistic forms is not justified. The extent and formal "undecidability" of context-and every linguistic particle above the level of the phoneme is context-bound-may make it impossible, except in the most abstract, meta-linguistic sense, to pass from "pro-verbs," "kernals," or "deep deep structures" to actual speech. (Steiner, 1975, pp. 111-113)
       A higher-level formal language is an abstract machine. (Weizenbaum, 1976, p. 113)
       Jakobson sees metaphor and metonymy as the characteristic modes of binarily opposed polarities which between them underpin the two-fold process of selection and combination by which linguistic signs are formed.... Thus messages are constructed, as Saussure said, by a combination of a "horizontal" movement, which combines words together, and a "vertical" movement, which selects the particular words from the available inventory or "inner storehouse" of the language. The combinative (or syntagmatic) process manifests itself in contiguity (one word being placed next to another) and its mode is metonymic. The selective (or associative) process manifests itself in similarity (one word or concept being "like" another) and its mode is metaphoric. The "opposition" of metaphor and metonymy therefore may be said to represent in effect the essence of the total opposition between the synchronic mode of language (its immediate, coexistent, "vertical" relationships) and its diachronic mode (its sequential, successive, lineal progressive relationships). (Hawkes, 1977, pp. 77-78)
       It is striking that the layered structure that man has given to language constantly reappears in his analyses of nature. (Bronowski, 1977, p. 121)
       First, [an ideal intertheoretic reduction] provides us with a set of rules"correspondence rules" or "bridge laws," as the standard vernacular has it-which effect a mapping of the terms of the old theory (T o) onto a subset of the expressions of the new or reducing theory (T n). These rules guide the application of those selected expressions of T n in the following way: we are free to make singular applications of their correspondencerule doppelgangers in T o....
       Second, and equally important, a successful reduction ideally has the outcome that, under the term mapping effected by the correspondence rules, the central principles of T o (those of semantic and systematic importance) are mapped onto general sentences of T n that are theorems of Tn. (P. Churchland, 1979, p. 81)
       If non-linguistic factors must be included in grammar: beliefs, attitudes, etc. [this would] amount to a rejection of the initial idealization of language as an object of study. A priori such a move cannot be ruled out, but it must be empirically motivated. If it proves to be correct, I would conclude that language is a chaos that is not worth studying.... Note that the question is not whether beliefs or attitudes, and so on, play a role in linguistic behavior and linguistic judgments... [but rather] whether distinct cognitive structures can be identified, which interact in the real use of language and linguistic judgments, the grammatical system being one of these. (Chomsky, 1979, pp. 140, 152-153)
        23) Language Is Inevitably Influenced by Specific Contexts of Human Interaction
       Language cannot be studied in isolation from the investigation of "rationality." It cannot afford to neglect our everyday assumptions concerning the total behavior of a reasonable person.... An integrational linguistics must recognize that human beings inhabit a communicational space which is not neatly compartmentalized into language and nonlanguage.... It renounces in advance the possibility of setting up systems of forms and meanings which will "account for" a central core of linguistic behavior irrespective of the situation and communicational purposes involved. (Harris, 1981, p. 165)
       By innate [linguistic knowledge], Chomsky simply means "genetically programmed." He does not literally think that children are born with language in their heads ready to be spoken. He merely claims that a "blueprint is there, which is brought into use when the child reaches a certain point in her general development. With the help of this blueprint, she analyzes the language she hears around her more readily than she would if she were totally unprepared for the strange gabbling sounds which emerge from human mouths. (Aitchison, 1987, p. 31)
       Looking at ourselves from the computer viewpoint, we cannot avoid seeing that natural language is our most important "programming language." This means that a vast portion of our knowledge and activity is, for us, best communicated and understood in our natural language.... One could say that natural language was our first great original artifact and, since, as we increasingly realize, languages are machines, so natural language, with our brains to run it, was our primal invention of the universal computer. One could say this except for the sneaking suspicion that language isn't something we invented but something we became, not something we constructed but something in which we created, and recreated, ourselves. (Leiber, 1991, p. 8)

    Historical dictionary of quotations in cognitive science > Language

  • 14 employment

    ɪmˈplɔɪmənt работа( по найму), служба - to begin * начать работу - to terminate * уволить с работы, прекратить трудовые отношения - to obtain * as stenographer in a newspaper office получить работу в качестве стенографистки в редакции газеты - a large proportion of the population is engaged in industrial * большая часть населения работает /занята/ в промышленности занятие, работа - knitting is a comforting * вязание - успокаивающее занятие, вязание успокаивает нервы занятие, профессия занятость( рабочей силы) - full * полная занятость, отсутствие безработицы - * figures статистика занятиости - those in and out of * работающие и безработные прием( на работу) ;
    наем( работников) - in the * of the staff при приеме на службу применение, использование - * of modern machinery применение современной техники - * of children использование детского труда atypical ~ нетипичная занятость (неполный рабочий день, временное трудоустройство, прерывающаяся занятость, сезонная работа, работа на дому и выполнение субконтрактов) clandestine ~ подпольная занятость (в нарушение законодательных положений) competitive ~ конкурентная занятость (вид трудового найма, при котором инвалиды нанимаются на работу на тех же условиях, что и другие работники) converted into full-time ~ переведенный на работу в течение полного рабочего дня designed ~ предназначенная занятость (рабочие места для национальных или социальных меньшинств, инвалидов) employment занятие ~ занятость;
    работа по найму ~ занятость ~ использование ~ личный дом ~ наем работников ~ прием на работу ~ применение, использование;
    employment of industrial capacity использование производственных мощностей ~ применение ~ профессия ~ работа, занятие ~ работа по найму ~ служба;
    занятие, работа;
    out of employment без работы;
    full employment эк. полная занятость ~ служба ~ agent агент по найму;
    employment book расчетная книжка ~ attr.: ~ bureau бюро найма( рабочих и служащих) ;
    employment exchange биржа труда и страховая касса ~ agent агент по найму;
    employment book расчетная книжка ~ attr.: ~ bureau бюро найма (рабочих и служащих) ;
    employment exchange биржа труда и страховая касса ~ attr.: ~ bureau бюро найма (рабочих и служащих) ;
    employment exchange биржа труда и страховая касса exchange: employment ~ биржа труда ~ применение, использование;
    employment of industrial capacity использование производственных мощностей exemplary ~ типичное рабочее место (наиболее точно отражающее характер работы, оплату и т. д.) ;
    типовое (стандартное) рабочее место;
    образцовое трудоустройство (как пример работы бюро по трудоустройству) fixed-term ~ прием на работу на определенный срок ~ служба;
    занятие, работа;
    out of employment без работы;
    full employment эк. полная занятость full ~ полная занятость full-time ~ занятость в течение полного рабочего дня gainful ~ доходная работа gainful ~ доходное занятие have double ~ рын.тр. быть занятым на двух работах have secondary ~ рын.тр. иметь вторую работу in active ~ при большой занятости income from ~ доход от труда independent ~ самостоятельная занятость industrial ~ занятость в промышленности informal ~ неформальная занятость, нерегулярная занятость, случайная работа level of ~ уровень занятости level: ~ of employment уровень занятости non-farm ~ занятость на несельскохозяйственной работе в сельской местности open ~ получение работы на открытом рынке труда (т. е. на основе конкуренции) ~ служба;
    занятие, работа;
    out of employment без работы;
    full employment эк. полная занятость overfull ~ нехватка рабочей силы overfull: ~ чрезмерно повышенный;
    overfull employment эк. чрезмерно высокий уровень занятости part-time ~ занятость неполное рабочее время part-time ~ занятость неполный рабочий день permanent ~ постоянная занятость permanent ~ постоянная работа probationary ~ наем на работу с испытательным сроком probationary ~ принятие на работу с испытательным сроком productive ~ производительное применение труда promotion of ~ содействие занятости protected ~ защищенная занятость retire from ~ увольняться с работы salaried ~ работа на твердом окладе seasonal ~ сезонная занятость seek ~ искать работу sheltered ~ защищенная (законом) занятость (инвалидов) temporary ~ временная занятость youth ~ занятость молодежи

    Большой англо-русский и русско-английский словарь > employment

  • 15 unofficial

    adjective
    * * *
    un·of·fi·cial
    [ˌʌnəˈfɪʃəl]
    adj inoffiziell, nicht amtlich
    \unofficial estimates claim that... inoffiziellen Schätzungen zufolge...
    according to \unofficial figures,... inoffiziellen [o nicht amtlichen] Zahlen zufolge...
    \unofficial broker STOCKEX Freimakler(in) m(f)
    in an \unofficial capacity inoffiziell
    \unofficial dealing STOCKEX Freiverkehr m
    \unofficial market FIN Kulisse f
    \unofficial strike BRIT wilder Streik
    * * *
    ["ʌnə'fISəl]
    adj
    inoffiziell; (= unconfirmed also) information nicht amtlich
    * * *
    unofficial adj (adv unofficially)
    1. nicht amtlich, inoffiziell
    2. unofficial strike WIRTSCH wilder Streik
    * * *
    adjective
    * * *
    adj.
    inoffiziell adj.

    English-german dictionary > unofficial

  • 16 operate

    1. v действовать, работать
    2. v оказывать влияние, воздействовать; производить действие
    3. v оперировать, делать операции
    4. v производить операции
    5. v приводить в движение, в действие; заставлять работать
    6. v управлять, заведовать
    7. v разрабатывать, эксплуатировать
    Синонимический ряд:
    1. amputate (verb) amputate; cut; cut out; go in; open; open up; remove; transplant
    2. contact (verb) contact; engage; hit
    3. convey (verb) contain; convey; transport
    4. function (verb) administer; carry on; command; conduct; direct; function; keep; manage; ordain; revolve; serve; steer; supervise
    5. move (verb) advance; move; proceed; progress
    6. produce (verb) bring about; cause; effect; fulfil; fulfill; occasion; produce
    7. work (verb) act; behave; drive; go; handle; perform; react; roll; run; take; turn; use; work
    Антонимический ряд:

    English-Russian base dictionary > operate

  • 17 Historical Portugal

       Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.
       A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.
       Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140
       The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."
       In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.
       The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.
       Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385
       Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in
       Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.
       The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.
       Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580
       The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.
       The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.
       What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.
       By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.
       Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.
       The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.
       By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.
       In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.
       Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640
       Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.
       Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.
       On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.
       Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822
       Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.
       Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.
       In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the
       Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.
       Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.
       Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.
       Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910
       During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.
       Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.
       Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.
       Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.
       Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.
       As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.
       First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26
       Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.
       The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.
       Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.
       The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74
       During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."
       Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.
       For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),
       and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.
       The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.
       With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.
       During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.
       The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.
       At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.
       The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.
       Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76
       Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.
       Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.
       In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.
       In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.
       In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.
       The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until
       UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.
       Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000
       After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.
       From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.
       Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.
       Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.
       In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.
       In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.
       Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.
       Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.
       The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.
       Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.
       Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).
       All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.
       The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.
       After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.
       Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.
       Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.
       From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.
       Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.
       In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.
       An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

    Historical dictionary of Portugal > Historical Portugal

  • 18 planned

    плановый ; планируемый ; контрольный ; ? planned capacity ; ? planned costs ; ? planned economy ; ? planned figures ; ? ; ? planned damages ; ? planned maintenance ; ? planned performances ; ? planned price ; ? ; ? planned return ; ? planned value ; ? ce

    Англо-Русский словарь финансовых терминов > planned

  • 19 near cash

    !
    гос. фин. The resource budget contains a separate control total for “near cash” expenditure, that is expenditure such as pay and current grants which impacts directly on the measure of the golden rule.
    This paper provides background information on the framework for the planning and control of public expenditure in the UK which has been operated since the 1998 Comprehensive Spending Review (CSR). It sets out the different classifications of spending for budgeting purposes and why these distinctions have been adopted. It discusses how the public expenditure framework is designed to ensure both sound public finances and an outcome-focused approach to public expenditure.
    The UK's public spending framework is based on several key principles:
    "
    consistency with a long-term, prudent and transparent regime for managing the public finances as a whole;
    " "
    the judgement of success by policy outcomes rather than resource inputs;
    " "
    strong incentives for departments and their partners in service delivery to plan over several years and plan together where appropriate so as to deliver better public services with greater cost effectiveness; and
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    the proper costing and management of capital assets to provide the right incentives for public investment.
    The Government sets policy to meet two firm fiscal rules:
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    the Golden Rule states that over the economic cycle, the Government will borrow only to invest and not to fund current spending; and
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    the Sustainable Investment Rule states that net public debt as a proportion of GDP will be held over the economic cycle at a stable and prudent level. Other things being equal, net debt will be maintained below 40 per cent of GDP over the economic cycle.
    Achievement of the fiscal rules is assessed by reference to the national accounts, which are produced by the Office for National Statistics, acting as an independent agency. The Government sets its spending envelope to comply with these fiscal rules.
    Departmental Expenditure Limits ( DEL) and Annually Managed Expenditure (AME)
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    Departmental Expenditure Limit ( DEL) spending, which is planned and controlled on a three year basis in Spending Reviews; and
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    Annually Managed Expenditure ( AME), which is expenditure which cannot reasonably be subject to firm, multi-year limits in the same way as DEL. AME includes social security benefits, local authority self-financed expenditure, debt interest, and payments to EU institutions.
    More information about DEL and AME is set out below.
    In Spending Reviews, firm DEL plans are set for departments for three years. To ensure consistency with the Government's fiscal rules departments are set separate resource (current) and capital budgets. The resource budget contains a separate control total for “near cash” expenditure, that is expenditure such as pay and current grants which impacts directly on the measure of the golden rule.
    To encourage departments to plan over the medium term departments may carry forward unspent DEL provision from one year into the next and, subject to the normal tests for tautness and realism of plans, may be drawn down in future years. This end-year flexibility also removes any incentive for departments to use up their provision as the year end approaches with less regard to value for money. For the full benefits of this flexibility and of three year plans to feed through into improved public service delivery, end-year flexibility and three year budgets should be cascaded from departments to executive agencies and other budget holders.
    Three year budgets and end-year flexibility give those managing public services the stability to plan their operations on a sensible time scale. Further, the system means that departments cannot seek to bid up funds each year (before 1997, three year plans were set and reviewed in annual Public Expenditure Surveys). So the credibility of medium-term plans has been enhanced at both central and departmental level.
    Departments have certainty over the budgetary allocation over the medium term and these multi-year DEL plans are strictly enforced. Departments are expected to prioritise competing pressures and fund these within their overall annual limits, as set in Spending Reviews. So the DEL system provides a strong incentive to control costs and maximise value for money.
    There is a small centrally held DEL Reserve. Support from the Reserve is available only for genuinely unforeseeable contingencies which departments cannot be expected to manage within their DEL.
    AME typically consists of programmes which are large, volatile and demand-led, and which therefore cannot reasonably be subject to firm multi-year limits. The biggest single element is social security spending. Other items include tax credits, Local Authority Self Financed Expenditure, Scottish Executive spending financed by non-domestic rates, and spending financed from the proceeds of the National Lottery.
    AME is reviewed twice a year as part of the Budget and Pre-Budget Report process reflecting the close integration of the tax and benefit system, which was enhanced by the introduction of tax credits.
    AME is not subject to the same three year expenditure limits as DEL, but is still part of the overall envelope for public expenditure. Affordability is taken into account when policy decisions affecting AME are made. The Government has committed itself not to take policy measures which are likely to have the effect of increasing social security or other elements of AME without taking steps to ensure that the effects of those decisions can be accommodated prudently within the Government's fiscal rules.
    Given an overall envelope for public spending, forecasts of AME affect the level of resources available for DEL spending. Cautious estimates and the AME margin are built in to these AME forecasts and reduce the risk of overspending on AME.
    Together, DEL plus AME sum to Total Managed Expenditure (TME). TME is a measure drawn from national accounts. It represents the current and capital spending of the public sector. The public sector is made up of central government, local government and public corporations.
    Resource and Capital Budgets are set in terms of accruals information. Accruals information measures resources as they are consumed rather than when the cash is paid. So for example the Resource Budget includes a charge for depreciation, a measure of the consumption or wearing out of capital assets.
    "
    Non cash charges in budgets do not impact directly on the fiscal framework. That may be because the national accounts use a different way of measuring the same thing, for example in the case of the depreciation of departmental assets. Or it may be that the national accounts measure something different: for example, resource budgets include a cost of capital charge reflecting the opportunity cost of holding capital; the national accounts include debt interest.
    "
    Within the Resource Budget DEL, departments have separate controls on:
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    Near cash spending, the sub set of Resource Budgets which impacts directly on the Golden Rule; and
    "
    The amount of their Resource Budget DEL that departments may spend on running themselves (e.g. paying most civil servants’ salaries) is limited by Administration Budgets, which are set in Spending Reviews. Administration Budgets are used to ensure that as much money as practicable is available for front line services and programmes. These budgets also help to drive efficiency improvements in departments’ own activities. Administration Budgets exclude the costs of frontline services delivered directly by departments.
    The Budget preceding a Spending Review sets an overall envelope for public spending that is consistent with the fiscal rules for the period covered by the Spending Review. In the Spending Review, the Budget AME forecast for year one of the Spending Review period is updated, and AME forecasts are made for the later years of the Spending Review period.
    The 1998 Comprehensive Spending Review ( CSR), which was published in July 1998, was a comprehensive review of departmental aims and objectives alongside a zero-based analysis of each spending programme to determine the best way of delivering the Government's objectives. The 1998 CSR allocated substantial additional resources to the Government's key priorities, particularly education and health, for the three year period from 1999-2000 to 2001-02.
    Delivering better public services does not just depend on how much money the Government spends, but also on how well it spends it. Therefore the 1998 CSR introduced Public Service Agreements (PSAs). Each major government department was given its own PSA setting out clear targets for achievements in terms of public service improvements.
    The 1998 CSR also introduced the DEL/ AME framework for the control of public spending, and made other framework changes. Building on the investment and reforms delivered by the 1998 CSR, successive spending reviews in 2000, 2002 and 2004 have:
    "
    provided significant increase in resources for the Government’s priorities, in particular health and education, and cross-cutting themes such as raising productivity; extending opportunity; and building strong and secure communities;
    " "
    enabled the Government significantly to increase investment in public assets and address the legacy of under investment from past decades. Departmental Investment Strategies were introduced in SR2000. As a result there has been a steady increase in public sector net investment from less than ¾ of a per cent of GDP in 1997-98 to 2¼ per cent of GDP in 2005-06, providing better infrastructure across public services;
    " "
    introduced further refinements to the performance management framework. PSA targets have been reduced in number over successive spending reviews from around 300 to 110 to give greater focus to the Government’s highest priorities. The targets have become increasingly outcome-focused to deliver further improvements in key areas of public service delivery across Government. They have also been refined in line with the conclusions of the Devolving Decision Making Review to provide a framework which encourages greater devolution and local flexibility. Technical Notes were introduced in SR2000 explaining how performance against each PSA target will be measured; and
    "
    not only allocated near cash spending to departments, but also – since SR2002 - set Resource DEL plans for non cash spending.
    To identify what further investments and reforms are needed to equip the UK for the global challenges of the decade ahead, on 19 July 2005 the Chief Secretary to the Treasury announced that the Government intends to launch a second Comprehensive Spending Review (CSR) reporting in 2007.
    A decade on from the first CSR, the 2007 CSR will represent a long-term and fundamental review of government expenditure. It will cover departmental allocations for 2008-09, 2009-10 and 2010 11. Allocations for 2007-08 will be held to the agreed figures already announced by the 2004 Spending Review. To provide a rigorous analytical framework for these departmental allocations, the Government will be taking forward a programme of preparatory work over 2006 involving:
    "
    an assessment of what the sustained increases in spending and reforms to public service delivery have achieved since the first CSR. The assessment will inform the setting of new objectives for the decade ahead;
    " "
    an examination of the key long-term trends and challenges that will shape the next decade – including demographic and socio-economic change, globalisation, climate and environmental change, global insecurity and technological change – together with an assessment of how public services will need to respond;
    " "
    to release the resources needed to address these challenges, and to continue to secure maximum value for money from public spending over the CSR period, a set of zero-based reviews of departments’ baseline expenditure to assess its effectiveness in delivering the Government’s long-term objectives; together with
    "
    further development of the efficiency programme, building on the cross cutting areas identified in the Gershon Review, to embed and extend ongoing efficiency savings into departmental expenditure planning.
    The 2007 CSR also offers the opportunity to continue to refine the PSA framework so that it drives effective delivery and the attainment of ambitious national standards.
    Public Service Agreements (PSAs) were introduced in the 1998 CSR. They set out agreed targets detailing the outputs and outcomes departments are expected to deliver with the resources allocated to them. The new spending regime places a strong emphasis on outcome targets, for example in providing for better health and higher educational standards or service standards. The introduction in SR2004 of PSA ‘standards’ will ensure that high standards in priority areas are maintained.
    The Government monitors progress against PSA targets, and departments report in detail twice a year in their annual Departmental Reports (published in spring) and in their autumn performance reports. These reports provide Parliament and the public with regular updates on departments’ performance against their targets.
    Technical Notes explain how performance against each PSA target will be measured.
    To make the most of both new investment and existing assets, there needs to be a coherent long term strategy against which investment decisions are taken. Departmental Investment Strategies (DIS) set out each department's plans to deliver the scale and quality of capital stock needed to underpin its objectives. The DIS includes information about the department's existing capital stock and future plans for that stock, as well as plans for new investment. It also sets out the systems that the department has in place to ensure that it delivers its capital programmes effectively.
    This document was updated on 19 December 2005.
    Near-cash resource expenditure that has a related cash implication, even though the timing of the cash payment may be slightly different. For example, expenditure on gas or electricity supply is incurred as the fuel is used, though the cash payment might be made in arrears on aquarterly basis. Other examples of near-cash expenditure are: pay, rental.Net cash requirement the upper limit agreed by Parliament on the cash which a department may draw from theConsolidated Fund to finance the expenditure within the ambit of its Request forResources. It is equal to the agreed amount of net resources and net capital less non-cashitems and working capital.Non-cash cost costs where there is no cash transaction but which are included in a body’s accounts (or taken into account in charging for a service) to establish the true cost of all the resourcesused.Non-departmental a body which has a role in the processes of government, but is not a government public body, NDPBdepartment or part of one. NDPBs accordingly operate at arm’s length from governmentMinisters.Notional cost of a cost which is taken into account in setting fees and charges to improve comparability with insuranceprivate sector service providers.The charge takes account of the fact that public bodies donot generally pay an insurance premium to a commercial insurer.the independent body responsible for collecting and publishing official statistics about theUK’s society and economy. (At the time of going to print legislation was progressing tochange this body to the Statistics Board).Office of Government an office of the Treasury, with a status similar to that of an agency, which aims to maximise Commerce, OGCthe government’s purchasing power for routine items and combine professional expertiseto bear on capital projects.Office of the the government department responsible for discharging the Paymaster General’s statutoryPaymaster General,responsibilities to hold accounts and make payments for government departments and OPGother public bodies.Orange bookthe informal title for Management of Risks: Principles and Concepts, which is published by theTreasury for the guidance of public sector bodies.Office for NationalStatistics, ONS60Managing Public Money
    ————————————————————————————————————————
    "
    GLOSSARYOverdraftan account with a negative balance.Parliament’s formal agreement to authorise an activity or expenditure.Prerogative powerspowers exercisable under the Royal Prerogative, ie powers which are unique to the Crown,as contrasted with common-law powers which may be available to the Crown on the samebasis as to natural persons.Primary legislationActs which have been passed by the Westminster Parliament and, where they haveappropriate powers, the Scottish Parliament and the Northern Ireland Assembly. Begin asBills until they have received Royal Assent.arrangements under which a public sector organisation contracts with a private sectorentity to construct a facility and provide associated services of a specified quality over asustained period. See annex 7.5.Proprietythe principle that patterns of resource consumption should respect Parliament’s intentions,conventions and control procedures, including any laid down by the PAC. See box 2.4.Public Accountssee Committee of Public Accounts.CommitteePublic corporationa trading body controlled by central government, local authority or other publiccorporation that has substantial day to day operating independence. See section 7.8.Public Dividend finance provided by government to public sector bodies as an equity stake; an alternative to Capital, PDCloan finance.Public Service sets out what the public can expect the government to deliver with its resources. EveryAgreement, PSAlarge government department has PSA(s) which specify deliverables as targets or aimsrelated to objectives.a structured arrangement between a public sector and a private sector organisation tosecure an outcome delivering good value for money for the public sector. It is classified tothe public or private sector according to which has more control.Rate of returnthe financial remuneration delivered by a particular project or enterprise, expressed as apercentage of the net assets employed.Regularitythe principle that resource consumption should accord with the relevant legislation, therelevant delegated authority and this document. See box 2.4.Request for the functional level into which departmental Estimates may be split. RfRs contain a number Resources, RfRof functions being carried out by the department in pursuit of one or more of thatdepartment’s objectives.Resource accountan accruals account produced in line with the Financial Reporting Manual (FReM).Resource accountingthe system under which budgets, Estimates and accounts are constructed in a similar wayto commercial audited accounts, so that both plans and records of expenditure allow in fullfor the goods and services which are to be, or have been, consumed – ie not just the cashexpended.Resource budgetthe means by which the government plans and controls the expenditure of resources tomeet its objectives.Restitutiona legal concept which allows money and property to be returned to its rightful owner. Ittypically operates where another person can be said to have been unjustly enriched byreceiving such monies.Return on capital the ratio of profit to capital employed of an accounting entity during an identified period.employed, ROCEVarious measures of profit and of capital employed may be used in calculating the ratio.Public Privatepartnership, PPPPrivate Finance Initiative, PFIParliamentaryauthority61Managing Public Money
    "
    ————————————————————————————————————————
    GLOSSARYRoyal charterthe document setting out the powers and constitution of a corporation established underprerogative power of the monarch acting on Privy Council advice.Second readingthe second formal time that a House of Parliament may debate a bill, although in practicethe first substantive debate on its content. If successful, it is deemed to denoteParliamentary approval of the principle of the proposed legislation.Secondary legislationlaws, including orders and regulations, which are made using powers in primary legislation.Normally used to set out technical and administrative provision in greater detail thanprimary legislation, they are subject to a less intense level of scrutiny in Parliament.European legislation is,however,often implemented in secondary legislation using powers inthe European Communities Act 1972.Service-level agreement between parties, setting out in detail the level of service to be performed.agreementWhere agreements are between central government bodies, they are not legally a contractbut have a similar function.Shareholder Executive a body created to improve the government’s performance as a shareholder in businesses.Spending reviewsets out the key improvements in public services that the public can expect over a givenperiod. It includes a thorough review of departmental aims and objectives to find the bestway of delivering the government’s objectives, and sets out the spending plans for the givenperiod.State aidstate support for a domestic body or company which could distort EU competition and sois not usually allowed. See annex 4.9.Statement of Excessa formal statement detailing departments’ overspends prepared by the Comptroller andAuditor General as a result of undertaking annual audits.Statement on Internal an annual statement that Accounting Officers are required to make as part of the accounts Control, SICon a range of risk and control issues.Subheadindividual elements of departmental expenditure identifiable in Estimates as single cells, forexample cell A1 being administration costs within a particular line of departmental spending.Supplyresources voted by Parliament in response to Estimates, for expenditure by governmentdepartments.Supply Estimatesa statement of the resources the government needs in the coming financial year, and forwhat purpose(s), by which Parliamentary authority is sought for the planned level ofexpenditure and income.Target rate of returnthe rate of return required of a project or enterprise over a given period, usually at least a year.Third sectorprivate sector bodies which do not act commercially,including charities,social and voluntaryorganisations and other not-for-profit collectives. See annex 7.7.Total Managed a Treasury budgeting term which covers all current and capital spending carried out by the Expenditure,TMEpublic sector (ie not just by central departments).Trading fundan organisation (either within a government department or forming one) which is largely orwholly financed from commercial revenue generated by its activities. Its Estimate shows itsnet impact, allowing its income from receipts to be devoted entirely to its business.Treasury Minutea formal administrative document drawn up by the Treasury, which may serve a wide varietyof purposes including seeking Parliamentary approval for the use of receipts asappropriations in aid, a remission of some or all of the principal of voted loans, andresponding on behalf of the government to reports by the Public Accounts Committee(PAC).62Managing Public Money
    ————————————————————————————————————————
    GLOSSARY63Managing Public MoneyValue for moneythe process under which organisation’s procurement, projects and processes aresystematically evaluated and assessed to provide confidence about suitability, effectiveness,prudence,quality,value and avoidance of error and other waste,judged for the public sectoras a whole.Virementthe process through which funds are moved between subheads such that additionalexpenditure on one is met by savings on one or more others.Votethe process by which Parliament approves funds in response to supply Estimates.Voted expenditureprovision for expenditure that has been authorised by Parliament. Parliament ‘votes’authority for public expenditure through the Supply Estimates process. Most expenditureby central government departments is authorised in this way.Wider market activity activities undertaken by central government organisations outside their statutory duties,using spare capacity and aimed at generating a commercial profit. See annex 7.6.Windfallmonies received by a department which were not anticipated in the spending review.
    ————————————————————————————————————————

    Англо-русский экономический словарь > near cash

  • 20 must

    1 უნდა (გამოხატავს მოვალეობას)
    ●●do it if you must! თუ გასაკეთებელი გაქვს, გააკეთე!
    2 არ უნდა (უარყოფით ფორმაში გამოხატავს აკრძალვას)
    you mustn't interfere არ უნდა ჩაერიო! / ნუ ჩაერევი!
    3 უნდა (გამოხატავს გადაწყვეტილებას, განზრახვას)
    I must talk to you უნდა გელაპარაკო / შენთან სალაპარაკო მაქვს
    must needs მაინცდამაინც, გინდა თუ არა
    he must needs to go away just when I need his help მაინცდმაინც მაშინ მოუნდა წასვლა, როცა მისი დახმარება მჭირდება
    4 უნდა (გამოხატავს ალბათობას)
    he must be at home შინ უნდა იყოს / ალბათ შინაა
    I must be off წასასვლელი ვარ // უნდა წავიდე
    we must obviate this complication ეს გართულება თავიდან უნდა ავიცდინოთ // ამ გართულებას თავი უნდა ავარიდოთ
    we mustn't lose sight of the fact that… უნდა გავითვალისწნოთ ის ფაქტიც, რომ...
    you must keep up with the fashion მოდას არ უნდა ჩამორჩე! // მოდას უნდა მისდიო!
    this question must take precedence over others ეს საკითხი პირველ რიგში უნდა იქნეს განხილული
    I must practise my English / shooting ინგლისურში / სროლაში უნდა ვივარჯიშო
    ●●we must put a period to it ამას ბოლო უნდა მოვუღოთ
    we must resign ourselves to the idea of leaving the city ქალაქიდან გადასახლების აზრს უნდა შევურიგდეთ
    he must be punished with the utmost rigour of the law კანონის მთელი სიმკაცრით უნდა დაისაჯოს
    you must recognize the danger awaiting you უნდა შეიგნო, რა საფრთხეც მოგელის
    if needs must თუ საჭიროა... // მეტი გზა თუ არ არის // მეტი რა გზაა
    needs must (გინდა თუ არ გინდა, ძალაუნებურად)
    when there is no transport we needs must walk როცა ტრანსპორტი არ არის, ფეხით სიარული გვიწევს
    the system of education must be improved განათლების სისტემა უნდა გაუმჯობესდეს
    we must implant respect for democracy დემოკრატიის მიმართ პატივისცემა უნდა დავნერგოთ
    whatever happens we must stick together რაც უნდა მოხდეს, ერთად უნდა ვიყოთ
    it must be stated that… უნდა ითქვას / აღინიშნოს, რომ...
    the cholera patient must be segregate from the rest ქოლერით დაავადებული სხვებისგან იზოლირებული უნდა იქნეს
    ●●you must see the doctor ექიმთან უნდა წახვიდე
    this medicine must be kept at a uniform temperature ეს წამალი უცვლელ ტემპერატურაზე უნდა ინახებოდეს
    a high official must not be unbalanced დიდი თანამდებობის პირს მერყევი ხასიათი არ უნდა ჰქონდეს
    we must pay homage to the genius of Shakespeare საკადრისი უნდა მივუზღოთ შექსპირის გენიას
    we must have crossed each other en route ალბათ, გზაში ავცდით ერთმანეთს
    traffic signs must be conspicuous საგზაო მოძრაობის ნიშნები ადვილი შესამჩნევი უნდა იყოს
    you must conform to the rules წესებს უნდა დაემორჩილო // წესები უნდა დაიცვა
    I must confess I don’t like your city უნდა გამოვტყდე, თქვენი ქალაქი არ მომწონს
    to be fair, I must add that... სიმართლისათვის უნდა დავძინო, რომ…
    in my capacity as chairman, I must say... მე, როგორც თავმჯდომარემ, უნდა ვთქვა…
    parents must let children blow off steam sometimes მშობლებმა ბავშვებს ზოგჯერ ცელქობა არ უნდა დაუშალონ
    you must avail yourself of every opportunity ყველა შესაძლებლობით უნდა ისარგებლო
    we must stand allegiance to our president ჩვენი პრეზიდენტის ერთგულნი უნდა ვიყოთ
    it`s hard, I admit, but it must be done გეთანხმები, რომ ძნელია, მაგრამ უნდა გაკეთდეს

    English-Georgian dictionary > must

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